Komisaris PT Radina Bio Adicita, Elda Devianne Adiningrat, telah dijadwalkan akan bersaksi terkait dalam kasus pengurusan impor daging sapi di Kementerian Pertanian di Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (Tipikor). Elda juga akan bersaksi ihwal suap terdakwa Direktur PT Indoguna Utama, Utama Maria Elisabeth Liman kepada mantan Presiden PKS, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq.

Komisaris PT Radina Bio Adicita, Elda Devianne Adiningrat, telah dijadwalkan akan bersaksi terkait dalam kasus pengurusan impor daging sapi di Kementerian Pertanian di Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (Tipikor). Elda juga akan bersaksi ihwal suap terdakwa Direktur PT Indoguna Utama, Utama Maria Elisabeth Liman kepada mantan Presiden PKS, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq.

"Saksi Elda," kata pengacara Maria Elisabeth, Denny Kailimang, saat dikonfirmasi, Selasa (18/3/2014).

Bersama Elda, jaksa penuntut umum KPK juga telah memanggil Jery Roger selaku anak buah Elda, dan Juard Effendi dan Suharyono. "Mereka juga akan dimintai keterangannya sebagai saksi dalam persidangan," sambungnya.

Dalam kasus ini, KPK juga menetapkan mantan Presiden Keadilan Sejahtera, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq, sebagai tersangka penerima suap dan pencucian uang kasus impor daging sapi di Kementerian Pertanian. Bersama Ahmad Fathanah yang juga berstatus tersangka penerima suap dan pencucian uang impor daging sapi, Luthfi diduga menerima Rp1 miliar dari PT Indoguna Utama

saco-indonesia.com, Dua anggota Serse Narkoba Polresta Tasikmalaya ambruk ditusuk oleh pengedar ganja, saat dalam melakukan pena

saco-indonesia.com, Dua anggota Serse Narkoba Polresta Tasikmalaya ambruk ditusuk oleh pengedar ganja, saat dalam melakukan penangkapan di rumahnya di Kampung Gandok, Desa Margamulya, Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.

Kedua polisi yang sedang menyamar masing masing Brigadir Wawan dan Aiptu Hilman masih harus menjalani perawan di RSID Tasikmalaya.

Aksi penusukan yang diakhir dengan penembakan itu sontak telah membuat kaget warga setempat. Dalam tempo singkat warga pun telah berkerumum d lokasi kejadian. “ Kami juga kaget dan terbangun saat mendengar tembakan,“ kata seorang warga.

Keteranga seorang petugas UGD Rumah sakit korban Hilman telah mengalami luka sabetan dan tusukan senjata tajam di dahi, dan kepala bagian belakang. Sedang Wawan telah mengalami luka sayatan di lengan kanan.

“Kedua polisi tersebut ditusuk saat menyamar. Sial kedua bandar incarannya Dadeng dan Iman telah melawan dan menusuk kedua korban.

Ijang yang berusia 40 tahun , seorang warga menjelaskan, kedua polisi telah berhasil menangkap kedua tersangka saat bertramsaksi di rumahnya. Pagi itu seorang bandar diborgol dan satunya belum.

“ Bandar yang belum diborgol telah melawan dan menusuk menggunakan pisau,“ ucapnya saat dihubungi melalui selulernya.

Dalam kondisi luka, kedua polisi lanjut Injang, masih melawan. Pistol yang diselipkan di pinggang kemudian dua timah diledakan tepat di kaki seorang bandar Iman. “ Bandar Dadeng telah berhasil kabur dan masih diburu polisi,“ ujar Ijang yang menyaksilkan drama penusukan tersebut.

Seorang anggota polisi Polresta Tasikmlaya saat dihubungi menjelaskan kedua anggota yang ditusuk bandar ganja kondisinya sudah mulai membaik.

Bandar yang ditembak kini juga sudah diamankan dan dijebloskan ke kamar tahanan


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Pengumuman hasil UNAS ujian SMA/SMK/SMP/SD 2013 Hasil UN UAN UNAS 2013 merupakan sesuata yang sangat ditunggu oleh ratusan pelajar di seluruh Indonesia. Pengumuman ujian SMA/SMK banyak dicari2 khususnya untuk para pelajar yang antusias dengan nilai ujian mereka. Menteri Pendidikan, M. Nuh memberikan konfirmasi tentang pengumuman ujian nasional bahwasanya tanggal pengumuman ujian akan diumumkan menurut jadwal yang sudah ditentukan meskipun kemarin sempat terjadi penggeseran akibat penundaan jadwal unas.

Pengumuman hasil UNAS ujian SMA/SMK/SMP/SD 2013

 

 

Hasil UN UAN UNAS 2013 merupakan sesuata yang sangat ditunggu oleh ratusan pelajar di seluruh Indonesia. Pengumuman ujian SMA/SMK banyak dicari2 khususnya untuk para pelajar yang antusias dengan nilai ujian mereka.

Menteri Pendidikan, M. Nuh memberikan konfirmasi tentang pengumuman ujian nasional bahwasanya tanggal pengumuman ujian akan diumumkan menurut jadwal yang sudah ditentukan meskipun kemarin sempat terjadi penggeseran akibat penundaan jadwal unas.

 


Berikut ini berita dan info jadwal pengumuman ujian nasional 2013 yang sudah ditetapkan.

Pengumuman UN SMA/SMK

Untuk hasil UNAS SMA/SMK sederajat akan diumumkan pada tanggal 24 Mei 2013. Keputusan tersebut sudah ditetapkan oleh Menteri Pendidikan dan sudah tidak dapat berubah. Alasan tersebut diungkapkan karena sudah disesuaikan dengan jadwal penerimaan siswa baru/SNMPTN 2013.

Pengumuman UNAS SMP/MTS

Sedangkan hasil UN SMP/MTS sederajat akan dilakukan bersamaan dengan kerjar peket B yakni pada tanggal 1 Juni 2013. Hasil tersbut juga sudah ditetapkan oleh Menteri kita.

Pengumuman UN SD/MI

Dan yang terakhir untuk tingkat SD/MI/SDLB hasil pengumuman UN 2013 dilakukan pada tanggal 8 Juni 2013.

Dengan hasil ujian 2013 di atas semoga adik-adik lulus dengan nilai yang memuaskan dan diterima di jenjang sekolah yang diinginkan.

Sekian info pendidikan dari kami, semoga bermanfaat - Pengumuman hasil UNAS ujian SMA/SMK/SMP/SD 2013

    saco-indonesia.com,     Bila nanti aku pergi     Jangan lagi panggil ku kem

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    Editor : dian sukmawati

 

Kebijakan Pemerintah Provinsi DKI mengalih fungsi rumah dinas camat dan lurah dinilai sebagai ide yang bagus.

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Kebijakan Pemerintah Provinsi DKI mengalih fungsi rumah dinas camat dan lurah dinilai sebagai ide yang bagus. Namun, perlu dipikirkan pula dampaknya pada kinerja camat dan lurah yang tempat tinggalnya jauh dari kantornya.

Anggota DPRD DKI Taufiqurrahman mengatakan, keterbatasan lahan untuk ruang terbuka hijau serta lokasi para pedagang kaki lima di Ibu Kota menjadikan ide Gubernur DKI tersebut sangat menarik. Dia juga yakin Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur DKI telah memikirkan pembuatan Pergub demi lancarnya kebijakan tersebut.

Namun, yang menjadi kegelisahan, kata dia, yakni efektivitas kerja camat dan lurah itu. "Ada konsekuensi yang harus diterima, seperti kinerja lurah camat bisa menurun karena jarak rumah dengan kantor jauh. Rumah dinas itu kan diadakan supaya lurah camat efektif dan efisien memimpin kelurahan dan kecamatan," ujarnya saat dihubungi wartawan, Selasa (4/6/2013).

Oleh sebab itu, Taufiq berharap kebijakan itu dapat menyelesaikan dua sisi permasalahan yang ada. Pertama, keberadaan ruang terbuka hijau yang mutlak diperlukan. Kedua, efektivitas kerja para camat dan lurah Jakarta sehari-harinya.

Sementara itu, anggota DPRD DKI sekaligus Ketua Fraksi Partai Demokrat Johny Wellas Poly mengatakan, kebijakan tersebut perlu memilih dasar hukum yang kuat. "Sampai saat ini belum ada Peraturan Gubernur yang menaungi itu, ya memang harus ada aturan untuk mengambil kebijakan itu," kata dia.

Peraturan itu, kata Johny, mutlak dibutuhkan karena rumah dinas milik lurah dan camat di DKI Jakarta telah memiliki alokasi anggaran sendiri. Oleh sebab itu, kebijakan yang berkaitan dengan perubahan fungsi sejumlah rumah dinas tersebut harus dilandasi peraturan gubernur yang kuat.

Sebelumnya diberitakan, sejumlah rumah dinas camat dan lurah di DKI Jakarta yang tak terpakai rencananya akan dialihfungsi menjadi kawasan pedagang kaki lima atau ruang terbuka hijau. Kini, Pemerintah kota di lima wilayah di DKI tengah menginventarisasi rumah dinas tersebut.

Editor :Liwon Maulana

Sumber:Kompas.com

Museum Satria Mandala merupakan salah satu objek wisata sejarah yang berada di pusat pemerintahan negara Indonesia, Jakarta, tep

Museum Satria Mandala merupakan salah satu objek wisata sejarah yang berada di pusat pemerintahan negara Indonesia, Jakarta, tepatnya di Jalan Gatot Subroto. Museum ini di buka untuk umum mulai tahun 1972 yang pada saat itu peresmiannya telah dilakukan oleh presiden Soeharto dimana menurut sejarahnya, bangunan museum Satria Mandala awal mulanya sebagai rumah dari istri Soeharto yang bernama Ratna Sari Dewi Soekarno.

Museum milik Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) ini juga telah menyajikan beragam peninggalan – peninggalam benda – benda perang mulai dari rudal, pesawat tempur, torpedo, ranjau, helicopter dan peralatan tempur lainnya. Sehingga objek wisata ini juga sangat cocok sekali dikunjungi oleh para pelajar yang ingin mengenal lebih jauh mengenai sejarah pertempuran bangsa Indonesia pada zaman dahulu.

Objek wisata Museum Satria Mandala mempunyai halaman depan yang cukup luas dan telah di tata sedemikian rupa sehingga suasananya akan tampak rapih sekali. Di beberapa sisi halaman depan-nya anda akan melihat sebuah benda “roket peluru kendali” yang mempunyai ukuran antara 7 hingga 8 meter, dan tidak jauh dari alat tempur tersebut anda juga akan melihat sebuah pesawat helicopter yang dahulu digunakan oleh TNI AU.

Koleksi Alat Perang Museum Satria Mandala

Hal yang tidak kalah menariknya untuk anda lihat selain di dalam Museum Satria Mandala yaitu sebuah ruang pameran alat – alat berat seperti tank – tank berlapis baja yang terdapat di sebelah samping dan belakang museum. Sebagian besar tank – tank tersebut adalah kendaraan pertama yang dimiliki oleh bangsa Indonesia buatan luar negeri. Namun dari sekian banyak koleksi kendaraan tersebut, tank amphibi milik TNI AL adalah yang paling di sukai oleh para pengunjung.

Koleksi Alat Perang Museum Satria Mandala

Museum Satria Mandala juga terlihat sangat sepi sekali dari keramaian para pengunjung, jadi ketika anda berkunjung ke tempat wisata ini, anda akan dapat dengan mudah melakukan berbagai macam aktivitas dengan lebih fleksibel dan mudah seperti berfoto – foto dekat dengan kendaraan tempur yang terdapat di Museum Satria Mandala.

Objek wisata Museum Satria Mandala juga sangat cocok sekali di kunjungi oleh keluarga yang ingin mengenalkan tentang sejarah dan alat – alat tempur yang digunakan oleh bangsa Indonesia dalam memperjuangkan kemerdekaannya pada masa lampau. Dan untuk memasuki objek wisata ini, anda juga akan dikenakan biaya sebesar 2500 rupiah untuk anak – anak dan 5 ribu rupiah untuk orang dewasa, harga yang cukup murah bukan.

MITHA SUKSES berlokasi di Bekasi.Saat ini.. membeli dan belanja pakaian dan baju baju murah secara online bagi sebagian orang mu

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saco-indonesia.com, Seorang pemancing yang hendak ingin mencari cacing untuk umpan ikan telah dikejutkan dengan penemuan mayat s

saco-indonesia.com, Seorang pemancing yang hendak ingin mencari cacing untuk umpan ikan telah dikejutkan dengan penemuan mayat seorang wanita di Kanal Banjir Timur, Jakarta Timur. Penemuan itu langsung dilaporkan ke tugas kepolisian.

"Penemuan sekitar pukul 08.00 WIB pagi, oleh seorang pemancing. Kini mayat juga sudah dibawa ke RSCM," ujar Kanit Polsek Jatinegara AKP Ambarita, Kamis (2/1).

Menurut Ambarita, mayat wanita tersebut diperkirakan telah tenggelam sejak semalam. Polisi juga tidak menemukan tanda-tanda kekerasan di tubuh korban.

"Mayatnya juga masih segar, belum pucat dan kembung. Diperkirakan meninggal semalam. Tidak ada tanda-tanda kekerasan," imbuhnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Cara Diet Sehat dan Alami - Bukan telah menjadi rahasia lagi jika kebanyakan wanita pasti selalu ingin tampil sempurna dengan tu

Cara Diet Sehat dan Alami - Bukan telah menjadi rahasia lagi jika kebanyakan wanita pasti selalu ingin tampil sempurna dengan tubuh yang ramping semampai demi untuk kepuasan pribadi ataupun untuk menyenangkan pasangan. Oleh karena itu, banyak wanita rela mati-matian melakukan diet, bahkan banyak yang rela mengeluarkan kocek dalam-dalam hanya untuk bisa mendapatkan bentuk tubuh yang diinginkan. Tetapi jangan sampai obsesi itu membuat Anda melupakan cara diet sehat yang aman bagi tubuh. Obat-obatan pengurus mungkin bekerja secara instant untuk menguruskan tubuh anda, namun bahaya jangka panjangnya sangat mengerikan.

Diet Sehat dan Alami

Bagaimana pun juga, memilih cara diet alami akan lebih baik daripada melakukan hal-hal yang dapat membahayakan kesehatan untuk mendapatkan bentuk tubuh idaman secara instant. Sebenarnya ada beberapa pilihan bagi Anda untuk bisa mendapatkan tubuh ramping seperti yang diinginkan. Pilihan itu misalnya operasi sedot lemak, mengonsumsi obat-obatan pelangsing tubuh, atau mengoleskan krim yang dikatakan dapat melunturkan lemak di kulit.

Fenomena ini juga dapat menyebabkan banyak berdirinya klinik-klinik penurunan berat badan, terutama di kota-kota besar. Tapi tentunya ada juga klinik pelangsingan yang menawarkan program diet sehat secara alami. Sebaiknya anda mengumpulkan informasi sebanyak-banyaknya tentang berbagai efek samping yang mungkin terjadi, sebelum Anda memutuskan untuk memilih salah satu terapi untuk melangsingkan tubuh.

Tips Diet secara Sehat dan Alami

Memiliki tubuh langsing tanpa mengeluarkan uang terlalu banyak, tanpa sakit atau tersiksa karena lapar, masih dapat Anda lakukan cara diet alami. Berikut adalah beberapa hal yang dapat anda lakukan.

    Tetaplah makan tiga kali secara teratur setiap hari. Terlambat makan akan dapat membuat Anda kelaparan dan makan dalam porsi banyak pada satu waktu. Dengan makan teratur, asupan makanan yang Anda konsumsi akan lebih teratur pula.
    Makanlah di meja makan dan kunyahlah hidangan secara perlahan sehingga Anda sadar berapa jumlah kalori yang masuk ke tubuh Anda. Makan sambil nonton televisi atau main game hanya akan membuat Anda makan lebih banyak karena berkonsentrasi pada tayangan yang Anda lihat, bukan pada makanan yang anda konsumsi.
    Jangan membiasakan diri makan malam atau ngemil mendekati jam tidur. Kebiasaan ini bisa menyebabkan berat badan Anda naik, dan Anda akan bangun dalam keadaan kelelahan karena pada waktu tidur, organ pencernaan masih harus bekerja mengolah makanan yang baru saja Anda santap.
    Tambahkan teh hijau dan susu kedelai pada menu makanan Anda, karena teh hijau dipercaya dapat meluruhkan lemak dan kolesterol, sedangkan susu kedelai juga dapat memenuhi kebutuhan protein. Susu kedelai lebih sehat karena tidak mengandung kolesterol seperti susu hewan.
    Tubuh membutuhkan karbohidrat sebagai sumber energi, tetapi konsumsi karbohidrat yang berlebihan, terutama karbohidrat olahan seperti nasi putih dan roti putih dapat menyebabkan kegemukan. Sebaiknya Anda mengganti konsumsi nasi putih dan roti dengan nasi merah dan roti gandum.
    Gantilah kebiasaan ngemil dengan memperbanyak makan sayur dan buah. Anda akan merasa kenyang lebih lama, dan kebutuhan vitamin serta mineral Anda bisa terpenuhi.
    Terakhir, untuk melengkapi program diet sehat dengan cara diet alami, luangkan waktu untuk berolah raga. Olah raga secara teratur juga dapat membantu mempercepat pembakaran kalori dalam tubuh Anda. Selain itu, olah raga dapat membantu menghilangkan stres dan membuat tubuh Anda lebih bugar.

Nah, mudah bukan menerapkan cara diet sehat dan alami? Diet dengan cara seperti ini memang tidak akan menunjukkan hasil secara instan. Namun, jika dijalankan dengan disiplin dan berkelanjutan, anda akan mendapatkan tubuh yang ideal tanpa efek samping. karena kebutuhan gizi anda masih tetap terpenuhi.

 

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

Frontline  An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.
Frontline

Frontline An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.

The program traces the outbreak to its origin, thought to be a tree full of bats in Guinea.

Review: ‘9-Man’ Is More Than a Game for Chinese-Americans

A variation of volleyball with nine men on each side is profiled Tuesday night on the World Channel in an absorbing documentary called “9-Man.”

Television

‘Hard Earned’ Documents the Plight of the Working Poor

“Hard Earned,” an Al Jazeera America series, follows five working-class families scrambling to stay ahead on limited incomes.

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

Mr. King sang for the Drifters and found success as a solo performer with hits like “Spanish Harlem.”

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Distro, singkatan dari distribution store[1] atau distribution outlet,[2][3][4] adalah jenis toko di Indonesia yang menjual pakaian dan aksesori yang dititipkan oleh pembuat pakaian, atau diproduksi sendiri. Distro umumnya merupakan industri kecil dan menengah (IKM) yang sandang dengan merk independen yang dikembangkan kalangan muda.[2] Produk yang dihasilkan oleh distro diusahakan untuk tidak diproduksi secara massal, agar mempertahankan sifat eksklusif suatu produk dan hasil kerajinan.[1]
                   
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Konsep distro berawal pada pertengahan 1990-an di Bandung.[1][5] Saat itu band-band independen (Indie) di Bandung berusaha menjual merchandise mereka seperti CD/kaset, t-shirt, dan sticker selain di tempat mereka melakukan pertunjukan. Bentuk awal distro adalah usaha rumahan dan dibuat etalase dan rak untuk menjual t-shirt. Selain komunitas musik, akhirnya banyak komunitas lain seperti komunitas punk dan skateboard yang kemudian juga membuat toko-toko kecil untuk menjual pakaian dan aksesori mereka. Kini, industri distro sudah berkembang, bahkan dianggap menghasilkan produk-produk yang memiliki kualitas ekspor.[2][5] Pada tahun 2007 diperkirakan ada sekitar 700 unit usaha distro di Indonesia, dan 300 diantaranya ada di Bandung.[2][5]
                   
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Kaos oblong atau disebut juga sebagai T-shirt adalah jenis pakaian yang menutupi sebagian lengan, seluruh dada, bahu, dan perut. Kaus oblong biasanya tidak memiliki kancing, kerah, ataupun saku. Pada umumnya, kaus oblong berlengan pendek (melewati bahu hingga sepanjang siku) dan berleher bundar. Bahan yang umum digunakan untuk membuat kaus oblong adalah katun atau poliester (atau gabungan keduanya).
                   
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Mode kaus oblong meliputi mode untuk wanita dan pria, dan dapat dipakai semua golongan usia, termasuk bayi, remaja, ataupun orang dewasa. Kaus oblong pada mulanya digunakan sebagai pakaian dalam. Sekarang kaus oblong tidak lagi hanya digunakan sebagai pakaian dalam tetapi juga sebagai pakaian sehari-hari.
                   
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T- Shirt atau kaos oblong pada awalnya digunakan sebagai pakaian dalam tentara Inggris dan Amerika pada abad 19 sampai awal abad 20. Asal muasal nama inggrisnya, T-shirt, tidak diketahui secara pasti. Teori yang paling umum diterima adalah nama T-shirt berasal dari bentuknya yang menyerupai huruf "T", atau di karenakan pasukan militer sering menggunakan pakaian jenis ini sebagai "training shirt"
                   
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Kaos Wikimedia Bebaskan Pengetahuan
Masyarakat umum belum mengenal penggunakan kaos atau T-Shirt dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Bahkan, para tentara yang menggunakan kaos oblong tanpa desain ini pun hanya menggunakannya ketika udara panas atau aktivitas-aktivitas yang tidak menggunakan seragam. Ketika itu warna dan bentuknya (model) itu-itu melulu. Maksudnya, benda itu berwarna putih, dan belum ada variasi ukuran, kerah dan lingkar lengan
                   
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T-shirt alias kaos oblong ini mulai dipopulerkan sewaktu dipakai oleh Marlon Brando pada tahun 1947, yaitu ketika ia memerankan tokoh Stanley Kowalsky dalam pentas teater dengan lakon “A Street Named Desire” karya Tenesse William di Broadway, AS. T-shirt berwarna abu-abu yang dikenakannya begitu pas dan lekat di tubuh Brando, serta sesuai dengan karakter tokoh yang diperankannya. dan film Rebel Without A Cause (1995) yang dibintangi James Dean. Pada waktu itu penontong langsung berdecak kagum dan terpaku. Meski demikian, ada juga penonton yang protes, yang beranggapan bahwa pemakaian kaos oblong tersebut termasuk kurang ajar dan pemberontakan. Tak pelak, muncullah polemik seputar kaos oblong.
                   
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Polemik yang terjadi yakni, sebagian kalangan menilai pemakaian kaos oblong – undershirt – sebagai busana luar adalah tidak sopan dan tidak beretika. Namun di kalangan lainnya, terutama anak muda pasca pentas teater tahun 1947 itu, justru dilanda demam kaos oblong, bahkan menganggap benda ini sebagai lambang kebebasan anak muda. Dan, bagi anak muda itu, kaos oblong bukan semata-mada suatu mode atau tren, melainkan merupakan bagian dari keseharian mereka.
                   
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Polemik tersebut selanjutnya justru menaikkan publisitas dan popularitas kaos oblong dalam percaturan mode. Akibatnya pula, beberapa perusahaan konveksi mulai bersemangat memproduksi benda itu, walaupun semula mereka meragukan prospek bisnis kaos oblong. Mereka mengembangkan kaos oblong dengan pelbagai bentuk dan warna serta memproduksinya secara besar-besaran. Citra kaos oblong semakin menanjak lagi manakala Marlon Brando sendiri – dengan berkaos oblong yang dipadu dengan celana jins dan jaket kulit – menjadi bintang iklan produk tersebut.
                   
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Mungkin, dikarenakan oleh maraknya polemik dan mewabahnya demam kaos oblong di kalangan masyarakat, pada tahun 1961 sebuah organisasi yang menamakan dirinya “Underwear Institute” (Lembaga Baju Dalam) menuntut agar kaos oblong diakui sebagai baju sopan seperti halnya baju-baju lainnya. Mereka mengatakan, kaos oblong juga merupakan karya busana yang telah menjadi bagian budaya mode.
                   
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Demam kaos oblong yang melumat seluruh benua Amerika dan Eropa pun terjadi sekita tahun 1961 itu. Apalagi ketika aktor James Dean mengenakan kaos oblong dalam film Rebel Without A Cause, sehingga eksistensi kaos oblong semakin kukuh dalam kehidupan di sana.
                   
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Tahun 1990 an adalah tahun dimana dunia kaos Indonesia diramaikan oleh maraknya insan-insan kreatif yang menjual kaos dengan design sendiri dan memproduksi sendiri, serta menjual di toko sendiri. Mereka inilah yang dikenal sebagai Distro Clothing. Distro sendiri merupakan singkatan dari "Distribution Outlet" yang berarti toko yang mendistribusikan atau menjual barang-barang unik termasuk kaos.                   
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Perlahan namun pasti, T-shirt mulai menjadi bagian dari busana keseharian yang tidak hanya dipakai untuk pakaian dalam, tetapi juga menjadi pakaian luaran. Pada pertengahan tahun 50an, T-shirt sudah mulai menjadi bagian bagian dari dunia fashion. Namun baru pada tahun 60an ketika kaum hippies mulai merajai dunia, T-shirt benar-benar menjadi state of fashion itu sendiri. Sebagai sebuah simbol (lagi-lagi) anti kemapanan, para hippies ini menggunakan T-shirt/kaos sebagai salah satu simbolnya. Semenjak saat itulah revolusi T-shirt terjadi secara total. Para penggiat bisnis menyadari bahwa T-shirt dapat menjadi medium promosi yang amat efektif serta efesien. Segala persyaratan sebagai medium promosi yang baik ada di T-shirt. Murah, mobile, fungsional, dapat dijadikan suvenir, dan seterusnya.
                   
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Tahun 1980 an dunia kaos oblong dikuasai oleh industri kreatif. Muncul merek-merek terkenal seperti C59 dari Bandung, JOGER dari Bali, dan DAGADU dari Yogyakarta. Kaos-kaos ini terkenal dengan designnya yang unik dan menarik. Selain merek-merek tersebut, dunia kaos indonesia dikuasai oleh beberapa merek terkenal yang dijual di supermarket seperti merek HAMMER, POSHBOY, OSELLA, dan masih banyak lagi. Sebagian dari merek-merek terkenal ini masih bertahan, namun sebagian yang lain sudah tidak beredar di pasaran.                   
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Disaat yang bersamaan, kelompok-kelompok tertentu macam hippies, komunitas punk, atau organisasi politik, juga menyadari bahwa T-shirt dapat menjadi medium propaganda yang sempurna selain medium yang telah ada. Statement apapun dapat tercetak diatasnya, tahan lama, dan penyebarannya mampu melewati batas-batas yang tidak dapat dicapai oleh medium lain, seperti poster misalnya.
                   
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Namun, kaos oblong baru menampakkan perkembangan yang signifikan hingga merambah ke segenap pelosok pedesaan sekitar awal tahun 1970. Ketika itu wujudnya masih konvensional. Berwana putih, bahan katun-halus-tipis, melekat ketat di badan dan hanya untuk kaum pria. Beberapa merek yang terkenal waktu itu adalah Swan dan 77. Ada juga merek Cabe Rawit, Kembang Manggis, dan lain-lain. Dan tren kaos oblong rupa-rupanya direkam pula oleh Kartunis GM Sudarta melalui tokoh Om Pasikom dan kemenakannya dengan tajuk “Generasi Kaos Oblong” (Harian Kompas, 14 Januari 1978).                   
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Dengan segala kesempurnaannya, T-shirt tidak lagi menjadi sederhana. Jelas, secara fungsional benda tersebut masih berlaku sebagai sebuah sandang. Namun dibalik itu semua, T-shirt memiliki value yang melebihi dari fungsi dasarnya. Desain T-Shirt yang terus berkembang sampai sekarang selaras dengan perkembangan manusia dan teknologi yang memang terus berkembang. Sejarah akan terus mencatat desain berbagai kaos seperti tie dye yang lekat dengan flowers generation, komunitas punk yang lekat dengan T-Shirt sobek, polos bahkan dengan desain typohraphy yang mencolok, dan siapa yang tidak kenal dengan kaos I Love New York yang fenomenal itu.
                   
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Desain T-Shirt yang kemudian menjadi semacam aktualisasi pemakainya, bisa diramalkan akan tetap terus digemari. Elemen desain berupa typohraphy yang sangat menarik dan penuh maksud sangat berpeluang diminati masyarakat. Apalagi perkembangan dunia konsumen yang sangat memanjakan aktualisasi pribadi. Siapa pun Anda, konsumen, pemilik perusahaan, manajeman band, atau siapapun, bisa dengan mudah menunjukkan siapa diri Anda hanya dengan memakai T-Shirt dengan desain typohraphy atau perpaduan elemen desain lain.
                   
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Di Indonesia, konon, masuknya benda ini karena dibawa oleh orang-orang Belanda. Namun ketika itu perkembangannya tidak pesat, sebab benda ini mempunyai nilai gengsi tingkat tinggi, dan di Indonesia teknologi pemintalannya belum maju. Akibatnya benda ini termasuk barang mahal.
                   
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Pemakaian kaos dalam berbagai kesempatan memberikan juga peluang bagi para desainer dalam berkarya. Fungsinya yang semakin melebar sangat bisa mendukung perkembangan desain itu sendiri. Kreatifitas menggunakan medium T-Shirt dalam berkarya desain membuka peluang pemaknaan karya desain serta perluasan pengetahuan tentang desain pada masyarakat. Berjamurnya clothing dan distro di kalangan bisnis modern adalah salah satu kemajuan yang positif dalam dunia desain. Berbagai karya desain yang diimplementasikan dalam medium T-Shirt memberi warna bagi kehidupan, tidak hanya bentukan huruf tapi foto, karya desain yang dulu tidak memungkunkan untuk menggunakan media T-Shirt, kini semuanya menjadi mungkin. Namun, perkembangan yang demikian masif harus tetap juga disikapi dengan baik, kemasifan sesuatu hal terkadang menjadikan desain hanya sebagai produk instan yang tidak memperhatikan faedah-faedah desain, karena itulah pengetahuan desainer akan prinsip-prinsip desain sangat diperlukan.


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